Alex M.
The
authors show, amongst other things, that big mining corporations as well as
individual ‘coal barons’ have an inordinate level of influence on federal and
state governments. That is perhaps no real surprise for the more critical
amongst us, but the writers back up their arguments with substantial research.
‘Big
Coal’ and its costs
The costs
to Australia and the global environment of the coal mining and coal seam gas
(CSG) extraction bonanza are revealed in the book.
Coal
burning and its extraction make up the largest source of greenhouse gases in
the world. What is more the consumption of coal in industrialising countries
such as China and India, and even the advanced capitalist countries, is
increasing.
On the
basis of the increased global demand and surging exports of Australian coal the
writers state that ‘Australia will help produce more CO2 emissions than Saudi
Arabia currently does with its current massive exports of oil.’(Pearse et al
2013, p.6)
The
emission of greenhouse gases worldwide is exceeding the worst-case scenarios
previously postulated. The catastrophic prospect of 4 - 6° C warming by the end
of the century is an alarming possibility. The mining and export of Australian
coal is ‘making the dirtiest energy easily available and encourage[s] the
developing world to industrialise in the worst possible way.’ (Pearse et al
2013, p.6)
Aside
from the environmental costs, there are other costs to Australia that spring
from ‘Big Coal’. In Chapter One the writers examine what they call ‘the real
price of coal’. In setting up their analysis of the real price of coal our
three writers provide some historical context regarding the importance of coal
in Australian development. Coal has been pivotal in this country’s industrial
development, particularly in electricity generation after the Second World War.
Coal burning power stations however, produce more than electricity. They also
produce air pollution:
Perhaps
the most alarming effect of pollution composed of material produced by burning
coal is on children. Burning coal produces pollutants like nitrous oxide and
particles as small as 2.5 microns wide (a human hair is 18 microns) , and both
of these adversely affect lung development … Air pollution triggers attacks of
asthma, and children, … are highly susceptible to pollutants such as those
emitted by coal fired plants. For adults, exposure to nitrous oxide and tiny
particulate matter is correlated with the development of lung cancer. (Pearse
et al 2013, p.27)
In the
Hunter Valley in NSW, a region which has had long experience with coal mining
and coal fired power stations (and most recently with CSG drilling), the impact
on people’s health has been marked.
A 2012
Sydney University report Health and Social Harms of Mining in Local
Communities: Spotlight on the Hunter region found increased levels of ‘cancer,
heart, lung and kidney disease and birth defects.’ A previous study in 2008
found ‘that 113 tonnes of toxic metals (such as antinomy, arsenic, cadmium,
chromium, lead and mercury) were emitted into the air of the Upper Hunter,
along with over 13,200 tonnes of sulphur dioxide and 62,000 tonnes of oxides of
nitrogen.’(Pearse et al 2013, p.28)
The
environmental and health costs of the current coal boom are just part of the
problems associated with ‘Big Coal’. Another problem that comes with ‘Big Coal’
is its distorting effect on Australia’s political economy.
‘Big
Coal’, the state and the distortion of the Australian economy
At
present, five companies account for more than two-thirds of black coal mined
here. These entities are: BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto, Xstrata, Anglo American and
Peabody. (Pearse et al 2013, p.61) The first four are multinationals with
diversified mining interests, whereas Peabody is solely concerned with coal
mining. All of these companies are ‘overwhelmingly owned by institutional
investors, most of them foreign owned.’ (Pearse et al 2013, p.63)
A
sizeable number of the institutional investors are banks. Both Australian and
overseas banks have been providing billions of dollars in financing to fund
port extensions, new mines, rail and road infrastructure and sundry other
services. As Pearse, McKnight and Burton point out, institutional investors
such as banks operate to maximise returns, not to worry about harm to the
health of workers, short and long term environmental damage and the like.
Consequently, decisions are taken ‘that are not about what’s good for
Australia, and even less about what’s good for the environment.’ (Pearse et al
2013, pp.66-7)
Also
subjected to scrutiny are individual ‘coal barons’ such as Gina Rinehart, Clive
Palmer, Andrew ‘Twiggy’ Forrest and Nathan Tinkler. Others such as Peter Bond
and Chris Wallin who choose to remain out of the public eye feature in the book
too. Plenty of information is supplied about the investments and backgrounds of
the ‘coal barons’ whose number includes overseas or ‘offshore barons’. The
background information here is almost worth the price of the book on its own.
The power
of the coal industry is detailed in the chapter called ‘King Coal’s muscles’.
In this chapter the authors spell out how ‘Big Coal’ gets its way with federal
and state governments. The strategy has changed recently:
After the
best part of two decades, where the mining industry had grown accustomed to
setting out its agenda publicly and following up behind the scenes to ‘work
things through’ with federal governments of both major political persuasions,
the game had changed. In just three years the mining industry had waged and
largely won three bitter fights with the federal Labor government where they
relied on big-budget advertising blitzes to turbocharge their behind-the-scenes
lobbying campaigns. (Pearse et al 2013, p.133)
The coal
industry and its lobby groups have seen off the emissions trading scheme (ETS),
helped topple Rudd, weakened the Carbon Tax and ‘gutted the extension of the
Resources Super Profits Tax’ amongst other things. (Pearse et al 2013, p.134)
The three writers show that ‘Big Coal’ is too powerful, and its pursuit of coal
mining and export at all costs has seriously distorted the Australian economy.
The chapter also highlights how shallow bourgeois democracy is in this country.
Much more
can be found in the book. It is to the credit of Pearse, McKnight and Burton
that in researching and writing their book they bring to light the costs to
Australia and the world of the current coal boom.
Read this book.
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