by Bill F.
The Australian people are
well aware of the ANZUS treaty between Australia, New Zealand and the United
States. It is the cornerstone of the ‘sacred’ US Alliance so heavily promoted
by our local lackeys and apologists for US imperialism.
The
corporate mass media promotes the idea that the US will automatically come to
Australia’s assistance if the country is attacked by another country (Indonesia?
China?). It conveniently ignores the fact that the wording of the ANZUS treaty,
at best, only invokes consultation, not military commitment. “The Parties will
consult together whenever in the opinion of any of them the territorial
integrity, political independence or security of any of the Parties is
threatened in the Pacific”.
This clause is solely to protect the interests of the US imperialism, which expects Australia to automatically defend US interests, but will not commit wholeheartedly to defending Australia. After all, US imperialism has substantial investments and political influence in other countries apart from Australia, especially Indonesia and now China.
Apart
from ANZUS and the recent pact to allow US marines to be based in Darwin and
the US military to have extensive access to Australian facilities (see Vanguard September 2012), there are two
lesser known treaties that will further bind Australia to the military
interests of US imperialism.
Defence trade agreement
The
first is a defence trade agreement currently being reviewed by a Senate committee.
If ratified, it would mean that academic researchers would require Department
of Defence permission to communicate or discuss their findings if that involved
items on the Defence and Strategic Goods List (DSGL).
According
to the Department of Defence, the agreement would “remove the administrative
delays associated with existing Australian and US export-licensing systems.” In
other words, to speed up the supply of US weapons and equipment to the
Australian military to ensure greater compatibility and integration with US
forces, and to boost the profits of the US armaments monopolies.
The
DSGL list covers thousands of items, both defence-related goods and ‘dual use’
goods, such as medical and computing technologies that could be used for
military purposes.
Many
academics are alarmed. Universities Australia chief executive Belinda Robinson said,
“Many goods are routinely held by universities as they are needed to teach
students and to conduct research in the fields of science and technology.”
University
of Sydney deputy vice-chancellor Jill Trewhella said, “It can cover everything
from vaccinations and treatments for cancers to mining research… We think it’s
in the interests of Australia not to rush through legislation that could have such
an impact on research that’s for the public good, and is publicly-funded.”
University
of Sydney policy analysis and communication director Tim Payne said, “It’s an
unprecedented incursion into universities’ independence… It’s an attack on
Australian sovereignty and an attack on academic freedom.”
SOVFA
The
second agreement is the Status of Visiting Forces Agreement (SOVFA) between the
Philippines and Australia. It was originally signed between the Howard
government and President Gloria Arroyo in 2007, but was only ratified by the
Philippine Senate in July. It copies sections of the Status of Forces Agreement
(SOFA) between the Philippines and the United States, and the Visiting Forces
Agreement (VFA) which allows the temporary basing of US troops and equipment and
joint military exercises.
Although
Australian monopolies have considerable mining investments in the Philippines,
it was not considered urgent by either Australia or the Philippines, until US
imperialism decided to expand its presence in the Asia-Pacific region.
Apart
from the on-going disputes over islands in the South China Sea, Australian forces
could also be drawn into the long-running domestic armed conflicts between the
corrupt and brutal Philippine armed forces and the revolutionary New People’s
Army, as well as the various Moro Liberation groups and the private armies of
the large feudal land-holders. US forces have already dabbled in these
conflicts and the presence of Australians would make their role more
‘acceptable’, give it a more ‘international community’ flavour.
Australia’s
military involvement currently amounts to about $295 million, covering the training
of an average of 120 officers per year, a coastal security program, and
specialised counter-terrorism training and intelligence. So, will Australia
finally pull out of Afghanistan, just to transfer to another US ‘field of
operations’?
Rather
than signing more pacts with the devil, Australia should be signing a treaty
with its own indigenous Aboriginal and Torres Straits people to recognise their
sovereign rights and their dispossession through colonial invasion.
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