Sunday, June 22, 2014

The Trade in Services Agreement - a new attack on the people

Vanguard July 2014
Nick G.

Yet another secret trade agreement is being negotiated.


Australians now know of some of the content of the secret Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement, but thanks only to the whistle-blowing efforts of WikiLeaks.

Now Public Services International, a French-based global trade union federation operating in 150 countries, has called for opposition to the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA).

It describes the TISA as “currently being negotiated in secret and outside of the World Trade Organisation rules…a deliberate attempt to privilege the profits of the richest corporations and countries in the world over those who have the greatest needs.”

“The TISA will prevent governments from returning public services to public hands when privatisations fail, restrict domestic regulations on worker safety, limit environmental regulations and consumer protections and regulatory authority in areas such as licensing of health care facilities, power plants, waste disposal and university and school accreditation.”

The negotiating countries are a self-selected group of neo-liberal adherents including the US, the European Union, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Canada, Mexico, Colombia and Peru.

China has asked to join the talks but this has so far been obstructed by US demands that it meet certain preconditions including a very strong commitment to deregulation of a range of services.

While the TISA would require all signatories to open their service delivery sectors to competition from corporate monopolies unrestricted by domestic regulations, there are no requirements on labour standards.  Indeed, it would be required of participating countries that there be a free flow of labour between countries, and that any measures such as labour market tests, designed to show that there is a genuine shortage of suitably trained local workers, would be abolished.

Not all countries are enamoured of US demands to open the world to its unrestricted exploitation.




On April 21, Brazil adopted an “Internet Bill of Rights” to protect itself from measures likely to be adopted through TISA on the liberalisation of Internet services designed to benefit the industry’s major players, including Facebook and Google, all of which are US corporations.

The Brazilian Bill guarantees net neutrality, regulates government surveillance on the Internet, and places limits on the data companies can collect from Brazilian customers.

Likewise, countries such as Argentina, Canada, France, Tanzania and Malaysia have seen local or national governments exercising “remunicipalisation” rights in which a previously privatised public service is transferred back to the public sector.

So, on the one hand, imperialist corporations are pushing to open public services as areas for the investment of surplus capital, and on the other, peoples and communities are fighting back.

No doubt, the federal government Review of Competition Policy, to be delivered shortly, will take the side of the imperialists and contain a number of measures designed to complement the TISA.

Unions and community organisations must take up this challenge to our lifestyles and communities and unite the many to defeat the imperialists and their local servants.

Further reading: 


http://speciali.espresso.repubblica.it/pdf/wikiLeaks-secret-tisa-financial-annex.pdf


Australian education unions unite to oppose TISA: http://www.nteu.org.au/degreemortgage/article/Joint-Media-Release%3A-Education-unions-call-on-the-Australian-Government-to-protect-public-education-in-trade-negotiations-17608#.VVCZqLEVsrc.email 



Saturday, June 21, 2014

Drones: a new weapon in the war on workers

Vanguard August 2014 p. 6
Nick G.



In 2012, Henry Kieser was flying surveillance drones over striking workers at the Lonmin mines in South Africa.

The drones supplied intelligence on where strikers were gathering and helped identify leaders and organisers within the crowds.

That intelligence was fed into decisions that led to 34 strikers being shot and killed by security forces, and many more wounded and arrested.

Kieser is the owner of the fascistically-named Desert Wolf company whose product range increasingly specialises in unmanned aerial surveillance vehicles, or drones.  He was influential in South Africa's COPE political party, founded in 2008 as a breakaway from the ANC. When COPE president Mosiuo Lekota was ANC defence minister, Desert Wolf received a big defence contract.

In June, Kieser unveiled his newest product, the Skunk, a copter-like drone with a  lifting capability of 45 Kg from eight powerful electric motors with 16 Inch props.

The load capacity allows the Skunk to be equipped with 4 high-capacity paint ball barrels releasing at up to 20 paint balls per second each, with 80 Pepper balls per second “stopping any crowd in its tracks”.

Each Skunk can carry 4000 paint, pepper or compressed plastic balls.




A remote operator has full control over each marker. According to a blurb from Desert Wolf, “He can select the RED paint marker and mark the protester who carries dangerous weapons, he can select the BLUE marker to mark the vandalising protestors and if needed the Pepper balls to stop the advancing crowd before they get into a ‘Life threatening situation’.

“He can also set the releasing frequency of each marker from as low as 1 ball per second up to 20 balls per second. If all markers releases at maximum rate, then you disperse 80 balls per second. This high frequency will only be used in an extreme ‘Life threatening situation’".

Lasers and strobes included

The drone also includes on-board speakers to give orders to crowds, as well as bright strobe lights and "blinding lasers" to disorientate victims. Blinding lasers are prohibited for use in war under the Geneva Convention but included on the Skunk for use against striking workers.

The “good” bourgeoisie

Kieser justifies this high tech weapon of suppression as a safe and human alternative to the violence that occurred at Marikana.

“Our aim is to assist in preventing another Marikana. We were there and it should never happen again.”

"Anyone who was at Marikana would rather have this technology than live ammunition," he continued. "People who say it's inhumane compared to 9mm bullets are idiotic."

Taking away the right to strike

What is really idiotic is being driven by commercial greed to develop military-style weaponry to suppress striking workers and people engaged in demonstrations and protests.

James Nichol, a British lawyer representing the families of dead strikers at Marikana, said: "It's absolutely outrageous. Using pepper spray like ammunition to scatter the crowd. People are entitled to be on strike. Who would make the decision? It's absurd."

He added: "What we know about drones is in Pakistan they have killed funeral parties and they have killed wedding parties. Innocent people would be caught up in this. It seems to be the thin end of the wedge.

"One of the lessons of Marikana is that the state should stay out of industrial disputes. If they want people firing back at drones which then crash and hurt innocent people, be it on their heads. It's disgraceful."

Rehad Desai, spokesperson for the Marikana Support Campaign and director of a documentary film, Miners Shot Down, said: "The government are increasingly turning to authoritarian methods instead of dialogue and mediation. It's to be expected that they would adopt such equipment to quell dissent. But the more violent the equipment, the more violent the reaction will be.

"Why would it be more 'humane' to pepper spray people on their way home than to shoot them? I don't see the analogy."

Tim Noonan, a spokesman for the International Trade Union Confederation, told the BBC: "This is a deeply disturbing and repugnant development and we are convinced that any reasonable government will move quickly to stop the deployment of advanced battlefield technology on workers or indeed the public involved in legitimate protests and demonstrations."

Orders already placed

Kiesser is set to make big money.  He already has an order for 25 Skunks from one mining company, which he refused to name.

At 500,000 South African Rand per Skunk, that’s 12,5000,000 Rand (or $A1,250,000) as a starter.

But 25 Skunks from just one mining company?  That’s a lot of “crowd control”.

South Africa's platinum belt is currently deadlocked in a strike which, after five months, is the longest in the history of the country's mines and has pushed many workers and their families into dire poverty and hunger. Maybe those workers will be the first to be on the receiving end of Mr Kieser’s “humanitarian concern”.

Other orders are being finalised from "mines in South Africa, some security companies in South Africa and outside South Africa, some police units outside South Africa and a number of other industrial customers."

Taser drones

Desert Wolf is not alone in thinking up new ways to harass and attack the people.

A Texan company has developed CUPID (Chaotic Unmanned Personal Intercept Drone) to identify and taser individuals from the air.  A regular police hand-held taser delivers a charge of around 50,000 volts, but in a gesture no doubt designed to show the power of love, CUPID will up the ante to 80,000 volts.

People cannot be stopped

The logic of class struggle is inexorable. 

The bourgeoisie exploits the people and the people fight for justice.

The bourgeoisie imposes repressive measures and the people develop resistance.

The more violent the repression, the more violent the resistance.

The more sophisticated the repression, the more sophisticated the resistance.

Ways will be found to stop the drones.

Wednesday, June 11, 2014

Public schools, not corporate schools!

Vanguard
Nick G.


In November 2008, US weapons manufacturer Raytheon entered into a three-year sponsorship deal with a South Australian high school.

The school was one of three hosting a special course for students of high intellectual potential, drawn from all over the state.

Raytheon, one of the largest weapons manufacturers in the world and fourth largest contractor with the Australian Defence Forces, provided $450,000 over three years to “mentor” the students as future employees.

That deal has now run its course.

But under a plan announced by Abbott during his recent visit to the US, the government will promote whole schools to be placed under the control of giant corporations.

He revealed the plan after visiting a New York school funded by the government but effectively run by IBM.

IBM “shapes” the school curriculum and creates a pathway into a two-year tertiary degree in applied science.

The IBM sponsorship guarantees the company a compliant workforce trained to its immediate specifications. 

It means that these students have a narrow curriculum designed to meet the skills demand in information technology.

Australian Education Union researcher Mike Williss said “This is not what education is meant to be.

“Sure we want kids with job-ready skills, but we also want kids with life-ready skills.

“We need more skilled critics of society, more skilled advocates on behalf of the marginalised, more skilled defenders of the common good, more skilled organisers for social progress, more skilled leaders of movements for social justice.”

Abbott has opened the door to corporate devastation of a child’s right to an all-round education.

He has opened the door for Raytheon, BAE Systems, and any one of the big end of town’s major players to run whole schools.

Communities must fight for the right to high quality, comprehensive public education in a local school.

Public school, not corporate schools!
.................
Further reading:

AEU Federal President slams corporatized education:
http://www.aeufederal.org.au/Media/MediaReleases/2014/1206.pdf 

Saturday, June 7, 2014

More Aboriginal kids stolen than ever

Vanguard
Louisa L.



Sorry Day, May 26 on Gadigal land in Redfern, begins.

Aunty Denny, a Luritja Yakuntjajara woman, stolen as a baby and never reunited with her mother, stands with 100 others outside the Family and Community Services (FACS) headquarters.

Uncle Ray Jackson understands. At just two he was taken from his Aboriginal mother because his white father died on the Kokoda Track. “This pain is a constant. It eats at you every day. Who? When? Where? Why? For me those questions are unanswerable.”

But a new generation will again face those questions. As Greens MP David Shoebridge says, “We need to put some meat on the bones of the word 'sorry'. We are removing Aboriginal kids at a rate higher than in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s, at the height of the assimilation era.”

Says Uncle Ray Jackson fiercely, “Some of what's happening now beggars belief. A FACS worker wanted to take a boy because he didn't have any shoes. Give him some shoes! Don't take him from his family!”

Sorry means you won't keep doing it

Aboriginal people are looking for solutions to intergenerational trauma that began with the British invasion, whilst too often the authorities punish poverty instead.

Former FACS caseworker Debra Swan told the protest, “I couldn't bring myself to go to work any more with the way this department is mistreating Aboriginal people.”

According to an article by John Pilger, “In 2012, the co-ordinator-general of remote services for the Northern Territory, Olga Havnen, was sacked when she revealed that almost $80 million was spent on the surveillance and removal of Aboriginal children compared with only $500,000 on supporting the same impoverished families.”

And, despite widespread opposition from Aboriginal communities, service providers and legal networks, amendments to the Children and Young Persons Act of 1998 passed by the NSW Parliament in April, will fast track adoption, privatise ‘guardianship’ of children and make reunification of families close to impossible.

They account to us!

 According to Gunnedah Grandmothers Against Removals (GMAR), “We have virtually no rights within the current system. The rules of evidence do not apply in the Children's Court. Welfare workers can file statements full of anonymous stories and have magistrates approve removal without any chance for parents to be heard. Many parents are not represented in court and those who are often have to wait months to put their case forward.”

 Aunty Hazel from GMAR told ABC's Kelly Fuller, “They told me I had to be a qualified carer [to look after my grandchild]. Why am I not qualified under kinship? I've been a mother all my adult life. I'm a non-drinker. I don't take drugs. How am I not suitable?”

This undermines any notion of pre-existing Aboriginal knowledge, traditions or skills. Richard Trudgen's, “Why Warriors Lie Down and Die” powerfully documents how the reverse is essential for Aboriginal people to overcome the huge tragedies engulfing their communities.

A GMAR statement reads, “If there is a crisis situation and children are unable to remain in a household, options for care should be negotiated with the family group and the broader Aboriginal community, not be enforced through non-indigenous foster care. The ultimate goal must be self-determination for our people in the care and protection of our children.”

To ensure this, GMAR has proposed the creation of an Aboriginal Community Liaison Committee (ACLC). Under grassroots community pressure and negative publicity, FACS agreed to respond by mid-June and meet the GMAR team in Tamworth. 

Aunty Hazel says, “They are failing our children. They rip our babies out of our arms. Who protects our babies? They have failed us in every way imaginable. Aboriginal people will make them accountable! They account to us!”

See www.whywarriors.com.au

Friday, May 30, 2014

Smash Abbott's "class war" budget - build unity in struggle!

Vanguard June 2014 p. 1 
Bill F.


Australians have been shocked and angered by the federal government’s vicious budget. In only a few days thousands poured onto the streets to demonstrate their determination to tear down this budget and the government that lied its way to power in order to implement austerity attacks on the people.

On behalf of the “Big Business” Council of Australia, the foreign and local corporate monopolies, the banks and mining corporations, the government stepped up its brutal ‘class war’ attacks on the working class, the poor, the aged, the youth, the sick, people with disabilities, Indigenous Australians, in fact anyone except a handful of parasitic corporations and banks bloated with the stolen mega profits created by the labour power of workers.

Cut to the bone

Public anger and disgust are spreading as more hidden details of the budget are exposed.

The people are incensed at the blatant lies they were fed prior to and during the election campaign.

The Australian people are appalled by the extent and savagery of the cuts to health, education, social welfare benefits and government jobs, by the attack on young people already struggling to find jobs, by the plan to increase the retirement age, by cuts to Indigenous services and environmental programs, by the brazen attack on people with disabilities and the outrageous medical co-payment scheme and increases in the cost of medicines and medical tests; all measures that will inflict more hardship, poverty and suffering.

These attacks are only a prelude to more coming from the Commission of Audit: extending the GST, abolishing the minimum wage, individual workplace agreements, pushing down wages and conditions, scrapping penalties, eliminating job security, crushing unions, deregulating the labour market and financial institutions even further, more privatisation.

This is an attack by international monopoly capital that is beset by a major economic crisis not seen on a global scale since the Great Depression of the 1930s.

The winners in the budget

This budget unashamedly declares its complete service to interests of the big end of town. The Abbott government has taken its cue from the big business Commission of Audit to move more public funds from public health, education, and people’s services and spend more on infrastructure that facilitates the profiteering by mining and construction corporations – roads, ports and railways, for the transport of freight.

Simultaneously, preparations are made to crush the people’s resistance to the savage austerity. Hard won democratic and workers’ rights are systematically taken away.

What next?

These attacks, together with the lies and deception that preceded them, will not be forgotten or forgiven by the Australian people. The Coalition government will pay, and there is some chance that their budget measures will be bogged down in parliament and that they may even be kicked out if a double dissolution election is held later in the year.

While Labor and the Greens may hope things go this way, it will not prevent further attacks on the people.

This is because the unelected architects of Abbott’s budget will still be there – the corporate monopolies in the “Big Business” Council of Australia who fashioned the razor-gang Commission of Audit, the big business apologists in the Productivity Commission, and the mass media barons who beat the drum of globalisation, de-regulation, privatisation and union-bashing.

This gang want further attacks on wages, penalties and working conditions. They endorse the US-sponsored TPP trade deal that will destroy any vestige of economic independence and further increase the cost of living for the people, destroy jobs and public services.

They support the US military ‘pivot’ that threatens to drag Australia into a disastrous war with China.

They pull the strings while Abbott and Hockey are their puppets. 

No choice but struggle

For the people’s movement to grow and be really effective, ultimately it will need to take on the puppet-masters, it needs to be broad-based and capable of drawing in all sections of the people.

It must not be claimed or dominated by any particular group but must embrace as many as possible around the common goal of smashing this evil budget and take the next step of demanding and fighting for a decent life for the working people.

As Vanguard stated in back in February, “Waiting for a Labor government is no good. Working people will have to make a stand. They will have to find ways to get conversations going in their workplaces and communities, to get people organised to protest and to put demands on the government and the big business bosses. Demands not just to “back off”, but to “get out of our way”.

The people themselves develop the struggle

Vanguard June 2014 p. 12
Nick G.
(Above: March in May, Perth)


After the great outpouring of anti-Abbott sentiment at the March in March rallies, the people again turned out in thousands to protest the Budget cuts and make their stand on other issues close to their hearts at the huge March in May rallies.

This is a great tribute to the capacity of Australians from many walks of life to engage in expressions of anger and outrage at the agenda of the rich and powerful.

It is a great tribute to the capacity of users of social media to circumvent monopoly media censorship and the indifference or opposition of established organisations and parties, to mobilise mass displays of rejection of unpopular budgetary and other measures.

(Above: March in May, Brisbane)

People want to keep the action going

In Melbourne, in the space of a few days, the decision was made to organise the 18 March rally against the savage budget, and in only three or four days some 25,000 people took again to the streets.

This should make certain people who ridiculed and dismissed the earlier March in March national rallies sit up and take stock of themselves.

(Above: March in May, Melbourne)

A senior ACTU figure spoke well to union representatives in Adelaide about the all-encompassing attack on unions being developed by big business and its political enforcers.

However, when asked what the ACTU’s relationship was to the coming March in May rallies he made a fairly indifferent reference to “the sort of people who go to those things… there were even people against vaccinations at the last one”.

The ALP refused to support the March in March rally and directed its rank and file members planning to attend not to display any ALP signs.

That is why the eventual support for March in May by some unions who were reluctant to support the March in March was so important.

That is why ACTU President Ged Kearney’s appearance at the Melbourne rally was very important.

That is why the speeches by union leaders at other rallies around the country were very important.

A movement beyond the control of apologists for capitalism

This is not a movement that can now be brought back under the ownership and control of people who want it to be restricted to demands for the return of Labor to office.

(Above: March in May, Sydney)

This is not a movement that needs endorsements from on high.

The March Australia movement and other spontaneous people’s movements independent of parliamentary parties have their own momentum and mass base.

It is a broad church with a single enemy - Tony Abbott and his government.

That is both a strength and a weakness.

It succeeds for the moment in uniting the many.

It succeeds because people are responding to its genuine broad grass roots initiative, not the tightly controlled political party affair from above. They sense that it is put on by people just like themselves with no agenda beyond having a go at Abbott and collectively voicing their anger with the socil and economic injustices.

(Above: March in May, Adelaide)

But this was also the strength and the weakness of the Occupy movement.

In the end, and it took a long while to peter out, but in the end it could not be sustained simply because it was a movement that remained spontaneous and disorganised.

The post Occupy movement’s successes are those where its participants did go out into workplaces and communities to consciously learn from the people and assist in organising the people’s movement for the long term.

Mass line is key to lifting struggle

If the March movement is to succeed, it needs the active participation of people who understand the need to go beyond the spontaneous demands of its broad congregation of supporters.

It needs active class consciousness to develop as a people’s movement similar to the first stage of the Your Rights at Work movement, prior to its nobbling by the ALP and its diversion from a workplace and community fight for rights to an exercise in voting for the same old parliamentary misleaders of the working class.

At the moment the movement has a healthy commitment to staying away from the quicksand of parliament.

Even when the demand is raised to “Block Supply before July” – an action that can only occur within parliament – it reflects people’s eagerness for lifting the struggle, for bringing on a crisis rather than for calming things down and taking the heat out of the immediate struggle.

That is why circumstances favour, in very careful and appropriate ways, the task of raising the understanding of people about the nature of capitalism and of raising the level of struggle against it.

This is why circumstances favour the continuing development of an independent agenda for the working class, an agenda around which other sections of the people can be rallied as the attacks by imperialism and conservative reaction take away even more of the people’s rights.

Those who are familiar with Mao Zedong’s explanation of the mass line will know that they cannot be content with echoing the spontaneity of the movement, but must listen to it, contextualise its causes, and reformulate its demands at a higher and more precise level of targeting the main enemy.

Every support must be given to the spontaneous movement of the people, and every effort must be made to lift it to ever higher levels.

The housing problem in Australia: caused by capitalism and capitalist social relations

Vanguard  June 2014  p. 6-7
Alex M.



A previous article on housing in Australia published in the ‘Marxism Today’ section of Vanguard in November 2010 referred to a report by the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI).

The report examined the benefits and risks of home ownership for low to moderate income households.

Fast forward to earlier this year and AHURI have made a submission to the Senate Economics Reference Committee, which has been given the task of investigating affordable housing in Australia.

The Senate Committee took submissions from a number of interested parties, from individuals to organisations, amongst them AHURI.  The Committee is due to report its findings to the Senate in late June.

What has triggered the inquiry into housing affordability is the inexorable rise in house prices and rents and the consequent rise in housing related poverty, people being priced out of homeownership and increasing numbers of the homeless.

What often gets overlooked in these sorts of Parliamentary inquiries are the main beneficiaries of house price inflation; landlords, real estate agents, property developers and financial corporations.

Inevitably, what is overlooked are the class aspects of the provision of housing in Australia. Nonetheless, it is possible to get important insights and information from such inquiries. 

Factors that have influenced housing affordability in Australia – AHURI’s analysis
The AHURI submission identifies a number of conditions that are currently influencing housing affordability in Australia and are worth noting here. These are:
  •           Insufficient supply of new housing to meet underlying demand.
  •        Real house prices rising faster than incomes – estimates of the ratio of average/median house prices to average/median incomes vary between 5 and 7 depending upon which measures are used.
  •            A preference for larger, higher quality dwellings, despite relatively small household sizes – from 1994 to 2009, the average size of a new house in Australia increased by 30% from 189 to 245 square metres, average household size fell throughout [the] 20th century from 4.5 to 2.5 persons in 2006, yet the median price of housing in Australia rose 1994–2009 by 240% cent from $125 000 to $425 000.
  •         Falling rates of home ownership amongst 25-44 year olds. In 1981 61% of 25-34 year olds and 75% of 35-44 year olds were home owners. By 2011 these figures had fallen to 47% and 64% respectively.
  •       A change in the secure ‘tenure for life’ status of home ownership with 22% of Australian home ownership careers characterised by either dropping out permanently (9%) or churning in and out (13%) of home ownership.
  •          Market failure at the bottom end of the private rental market with supply unresponsive to demand, despite a context of growth in the relative size of the private rental market – in 2006 it was estimated there was an undersupply of 298,000 private rental properties affordable and available to households in the lowest 40% of the income distribution. By 2010, this is estimated to be over 500,000 dwellings.
  •          Continuing high numbers of households in the private rental market in housing affordability stress – in 2007-08 60% of low-income private renters were in housing affordability stress.
  •      A change in the nature of the private rental market from a predominantly short-term transitional tenure, to one that has 33% of its occupants (in 2007-08) as long-term private renters who have rented for 10 years or more continuously, an increase from 25% in 1994. Long term private renters (597,000) now outnumber households in public housing (365,000).
  •      The supply of dwellings in affordable housing programs (National Rental Affordability Scheme, community housing, public housing) is not keeping pace with population growth or the changing nature of Australia’s population (e.g. more older households and more households with people with disabilities). The share of affordable housing program dwellings in Australia has fallen from 5.5% in 1998 to 4.7% in 2012.
  •      Growth in the numbers of people living in boarding and rooming houses and living in severely overcrowded dwellings from 46,991 in 2006 to 59,111 in 2011.


The AHURI submission to the enquiry is detailed (as are many other submissions) and does take a critical look at aspects of the taxation system such as negative gearing; the latter having contributed to the spike in house prices and rental increases.

However, as the submission is to a Senate Committee, then it is reasonable to assume that the final recommendations will be for reform to address the inequalities inherent in the housing market here. Fundamental change and views that support that change will most likely be marginalised.

The problem of inequality

Still, voices that highlight the inequalities inherent in the provision of housing under capitalist conditions in Australia persist, despite being marginalised. Frank Stillwell, Professor of Political Economy at the University of Sydney, made a short submission. His submission gets to the heart of the matter:

“First we need to challenge the view, commonly conveyed in the media, that rapid housing price inflation is beneficial. The question should be: good for whom? There are losers as well as winners in a game such as this. Existing home owners and those owning rental properties may benefit in terms of capital appreciation. On the other hand, those who are seeking to become first homeowners must pay ever higher entry prices, making homeownership an increasingly unattainable goal for many households. Tenants meanwhile face escalating rents…”

Furthermore inequality is an inherent part of the problem of housing affordability as well as being an intrinsic part of capitalism itself:

“The contrast between wealthy suburbs and areas with poor housing is the physical expression of a deeply divided society. Of course, people’s capacity to service a mortgage or to pay market rent varies markedly according to their income. So it is very difficult to achieve the social goal of decent and affordable housing for all without addressing the economic forces that generate those inequalities. It is not just that some people derive income from capital while others only derive income from labour. Nor that some people benefit from inherited assets while others do not. These processes are compounded by the way in which housing inequalities interact with labour and capital market inequalities to create cumulative patterns of social advantage and disadvantage.”

Stilwell’s submission is critical of the role of what he calls the ‘economic forces’ which generate inequalities, in wealth and homeownership for example.

He avoids using terms such as class and capitalism, due most probably to the audience he is addressing. We don’t need to be quite so circumspect. The housing problem in Australia is a product of the profit maximising drive of capitalism. Particular class interests benefit from the way things are in the housing sector now.

What is also apparent is the decline of direct government involvement in the provision of housing at the Federal and State levels.

The November 2010 ‘Marxism Today’ article on housing gave an overview of housing policy in Australia since the 1950s and the class aspects of housing and these sections from that article are worth repeating here.

Overview of housing policy in Australia

In the 1950s, in line with post-war reconstruction in general, home ownership was promoted.

A combination of housing and non-housing policies encouraged this ideal. These policies included: ‘exemption from capital gains tax, discounted/controlled interest rates for home mortgages, cash grants to first home buyers, provision of low interest home loans directly by governments and via intermediary organisations such as state banks, sales of public housing to sitting tenants, mortgage deductibility (for a short period only), development of “affordable” home ownership lots by state land developers, and planning policies which promoted detached housing, the house type desired by purchasers’. It was clear that governments at Federal and State levels saw it as their duty to help people achieve the ‘Australian dream’.

With modifications, the broad policy settings of Australian governments continued along the lines mapped out in the 1950s. With the stagnation that accompanied the ending of the long boom of capitalism in the late 1970s-early 1980s, government policies regarding housing were re-assessed.

The 1990s ushered in ‘a fundamental change in policy settings on home ownership with the elimination of some of the more explicit measures to promote home ownership. In particular, governments no longer saw it as their role to assist the “marginal would-be home owner” in purchasing a home’. Emphasis in government housing policies shifted from the promotion of home ownership for ‘marginal’ people to the provision of rental housing assistance for those with urgent housing needs.

Such a shift in emphasis was driven by neo-liberal ideology which saw the market as the most efficient resource allocator, with governments having the reduced role of safety net providers ‘for some “at risk” households’.

The class aspect of housing

Clear from what has been outlined above about declining government involvement in and concern with housing policy is the power of particular class interests.

Finance capital in the form of banks, home loan brokers and others have big stakes in the housing market and some rental investors do too, though the latter do not necessarily have the same clout as the finance capitalists.

As has been pointed out before in the pages of Vanguard, the provision of housing and related government policies necessarily reflect the values of the dominant class. That is, the provision of affordable housing to low and middle income families, or working class families, is not a priority for governments, landlords or finance capitalists.

For the latter two, their priorities are profit maximisation. For governments, beholden as they are here in Australia to capitalist class interests, the social reforms of the 1950s and the long boom years are things of the past. Markets are alleged to be the most efficient mechanisms for distributing commodities such as houses.


In his work The Housing Question, Frederick Engels (left) wrote rather presciently about the attitude of capitalist states to the issue of working class access to affordable housing.
 
“It is perfectly clear that the existing state is neither able nor willing to do anything to remedy the housing difficulty. The state is nothing but the organised collective power of the possessing classes, the landowners and the individual capitalists (and it is here only a question of these because in this matter the landowner who is also concerned acts primarily as a capitalist)… If therefore the individual capitalists deplore the housing shortage, but can hardly be persuaded even superficially to palliate its most terrifying consequences, then the collective capitalist, the state, will not do much more.”

Housing in Australia will continue to be fraught with problems of affordability for working class families, and finance capitalists and landlords will continue to rake in the profits.

This is the stuff of capitalist social relations. The only solution to such inequity and inequality is the creation of a more just and equitable society, that is, an independent, socialist Australia.